As is well-known, Carl Jung related the appearance of flying saucers to the social anxieties of the day, the splitting of the world into two hostile camps, a division unconsciously healed by the mandala circle of the saucers. Eric Ouellet applies a similar approach to accounting for the Belgian Wave of triangular UFOs at the time the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc were breaking down and the European Union was forming. Is our own time not beset by a no less grave concern, climate change and the environmental crisis? How do UFOs / UAP appear against this latest horizon? Jeremy McGowan essays this matter in a somewhat incoherent and repetitive (if no less telling) way in his Medium article “You can’t be an environmentalist and support Coulthart, Elizondo, Corbell, or Greer.”
On the one hand, McGowan does “not fully subscribe to the prevailing notion that humanity alone drives global warming,” while seeing “undeniable value in any truly advanced technology — alien or otherwise — that strengthens our capacity to stabilize the climate, restore the oceans, and reduce the global dependency on fossil fuels.” This position is not incoherent in itself, but troubles a mind informed by climate science. A ” technology…that strengthens our capacity to stabilize the climate, restore the oceans, and reduce the global dependency on fossil fuel” is, if climate change is not driven by the emission of greenhouse gasses, capable of geoengineering on a breath-taking scale, and, if it can stabilize the climate and restore the oceans so, then, it seems to follow, there is no need for the global economy to reduce its dependence on fossil fuels.
As the title of his article reveals, McGowan targets, somewhat mysteriously,
self-proclaimed environmentalists, liberals, and progressives, who parade around under the banner of environmental activism, yet applaud figures like Ross Coulthart and Lue Elizondo [who] brag about secret alien technology — technology with the potential to upend dirty fossil-fuel dependence — only to hide behind non-disclosure agreements or flimsy “source protection” excuses.
I am quizzical of McGowan’s aim here, as that constituency of “environmentalists, liberals, and progressives” who lionize Coulthart, Elizondo, et. al., is not imaginably very large. Moreover, McGowan overlooks a long and troubling history of environmentalists who are neither “liberals” nor “progressives” but reactionaries and fascists. Indeed, the wording of the passage above suggests just where on the political spectrum McGowan likely places himself. Nevertheless, he charges these environmentalists with hypocrisy, because if they believed the claims about concealed and withheld nonhuman, advanced technology, they would demand “full disclosure” instead of defending those who “hide behind non-disclosure agreements or flimsy ‘source protection’ excuses.” As McGowan writes
Activists may hold protest signs (made of paper and requiring the killing of trees) about oil pipelines and deforestation but remain silent about possible extraterrestrial technology that might end oil dependency outright while supporting the silly comments of UFO talking heads waxing poetic about alien egg-shaped craft recoveries and UFOs so large a building had to be constructed to hide it.
What is telling here is not so much the targets of McGowan’s vitriol, but what is assumed in his whole discussion, that the solution to the environmental crisis and global warming is essentially technological, a position known as ecomodernism. Coulhart and co. claim to have knowledge of “advanced” technologies capable of revolutionizing our own technologies and economies and in turn resolving the problems those technologies and economies have produced in the forms of pollution, biodiversity loss, etc. What McGowan fails to imagine, likely due precisely to his political leanings, is that even if such technologies existed, their being made known would occur in a social system that would monopolize those technologies for profit, not the universal good. As I observed concerning an interview with A. M. Gittlitz
since [for, e.g., members of the Frankfurt School ] material scarcity is economically unwarranted, its persistence must be due to other factors (for the Marxist, social ones). Gittlitz is especially insightful when he puts his finger on the fact that any suppressed free energy technology would be immediately monopolized upon its being disclosed, regardless of its human or extraterrestrial origins. That such utopian technologies would be spontaneously governed by the capitalist order in this way seems lost on proponents of disclosure such as James Gilliland and Foster Gamble. What’s very compelling is how the belief in and drive to reveal suppressed technologies implies a cognitive dissonance in the believers in disclosure. Gilliland, Gamble, et al. tend to be politically reactionary, in Gamble’s case, vaguely libertarian. However, the general distribution of the technologies they believe suppressed would undermine the economic base that supports capitalist social relations. In this way, those pressing for disclosure are bourgeois reactionaries dreaming of a socialist utopia!
What our UAP Disclosure ecomodernists fail to grasp is that the ecological crisis is at base social, it has to do with the very raison d’etre of economic activity under capitalism (profit through the exploitation of other human beings and nature). The answer to the crisis lies not in any technology fallen from heaven but in a radical reorientation of society, here, away from the stars to our place and home on the earth. Any imaginary solution to this all-too-real problem is the very definition of ideology-as-false-consciousness.
Addendum: Synchronicitiously, the day I post the above remarks, I receive word of a new book, How We Sold Our Future: The Failure to Fight Climate Change by Jens Beckert, which argues
Our apparent inability to implement basic measures to combat climate change is due to the nature of power and incentive structures affecting companies, politicians, voters, and consumers. Drawing on social science research, he argues that climate change is an inevitable product of the structures of capitalist modernity which have been developing for the past 500 years….


